Business In Society
SHARE BUSINESS IN SOCIETY
Facebook Twitter LinkedIn
“We are living in an age unlike any other we have experienced in the United States, and we can’t feel secure about the long term outcome”.
 
That’s how Robert J. Shiller, Sterling Professor of economics at Yale and a Nobel laureate in economics, assesses the dire consequences of the “alternative truths” that have inundated America and  many parts of the world. In his New York Times “Economic View” column, “How Lying and Mistrust Could Hurt the American Economy” , he unpacks his view that the effects on business — and the society – may well be negative and long term:
 
“There’s substantial evidence that if an atmosphere filled with lies or presumed lies spreads throughout a society, the effect might reduce economic growth rates. Years of incremental damage would result in a substantially lower level of economic well being than would otherwise existed.
 
“The central reason is basic: An atmosphere generated by a steady flow and variety of lies is like a dark cloud over the facts. Businesses can’t plan effectively when they don’t know who can be trusted.
 
“A critical question for the United States is the extent to which lying and mistrust have already permeated the entire culture.”
 
Professor Shiller’s analysis comes at a time when mistrust appears to be taking root in many parts of society. 
 
The 2019 Edelman  Trust Barometer: “Traditional power elite figures, such as CEOs and heads of state, have been discredited. The growth of social media platforms fully shifted people’s trust from a top-down orientation to a horizontal one in favor of peers or experts. Now we are seeing a further reordering of trust to more local sources, with ‘My Employer’ emerging as the most trusted entity, because the relationships that are closest to us feel more comfortable.”   [Emphasis added]
 
The bottom line: Sooner or later, lies can be very costly.
 
“Tell me with whom you associate, and I will tell you who you are.” – Johann Wolfgang Goethe
 
Apparently it’s not that simple when personal values and economic realities collide — as they appear to be for some business executives attending this week’s Saudi Arabia Future Investment Initiative in Riyadh.
 
As noted in the New York Times, “for Washington and Wall Street, It’s Back to Business With the Saudis a year after Slaying of Jamal Khashoggi   “Wall Street and Washington to Return to Saudi Investment Meeting” . The slaying, of course, is the brutal murder allegedly conducted by Saudi agents controlled by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
 
Some of the business leaders attending decided not to attend last year. Other invitees have demurred twice.  Of course, U.S. government officials such as Secretary of Treasury Steven Mnuchin, are attending., consistent with the Trump Administration’s fine-line responses to Saudi human rights issues.
 
The Times may have captured a prevailing business attitude with this quote from Steven Cook of the Council on Foreign Relations: “People in the business community want to do business with Saudi Arabia. They never stopped; they just kept a low profile. The crown prince clearly remains toxic for some people, but my sense is that  business leaders want to move on.”
 
Not all leaders “want to move on.” For example, earlier this year,
“Endeavor Returns Money to Saudi Arabia, Protesting Khashoggi Murder”   .The powerful California talent agency Endeavor, having received a $400 million investment from the Saudi government, returned it in March, according to The Times, “in a messy breakup, set in motion by the murder last October of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi … It is one of the few instances of a major company halting business with the wealthy kingdom to protest its agents’ assassination  of a journalist.”
 
Interestingly, this may not be the ideal time — at least as compared with earlier times — to be initiating financial ties with the kingdom. Reuters: “Saudi Arabia faces reality check as Wall Street heads to Riyadh”
 
For context on the business ethics aspect,  this from a year ago: The Business Times “Saudi crisis: Wall Street struggle between ethics and cash”
 
All in, this nuanced examination (“no permanent friends, no permanent enemies”) for business, from a CNBC roundtable, “Squawk Box Saudi Investment Initiative Who Will Be Attending?”
 
(Five minute video but well worth it):
 
 
Is that the bottom line?
 
“The technology industry’s biggest companies … are deciding that they need to play a role in fixing a housing crisis they helped inflame …”
 
That’s the lede from the New York Times story yesterday, “Facebook pledges $1 billion to Ease Housing Crisis Inflamed by Big Tech”       
 
For anyone tracking the evolution of corporate social responsibility, and for business historians generally, that can be a big story. Here’s why, as the Times explained it:
 
“Taken together, the investment by Facebook and other companies show the degree to which large employers in the Bay Area and other tech centers are having to aid in the basic governance of their regions if they plan to keep expanding – which they absolutely do …
 
“Long before they became involved in affordable housing Google and Facebook hatched plans to build housing around their campuses.”
 
The Facebook contribution appears to meet a key demand by critics of corporate social responsibility: It is planned as a strong partnership with the California state government for effective use of the funds. Some $350 million will be spent based on the effectiveness of the programs.  Over the next decade the programs will address mixed-income housing on state-owed land; supportive housing for homeless people in the Bay Area; and land for teacher housing near the company’s Menlo Park headquarters.
 
Clearly, a community-wide commitment. And one welcomed by community leaders, as noted in the Times report: “Mila Zelka, a founder of Manzanita Works, a non-profit that has worked to build housing for teachers by bridging the public and private sectors: ‘Gifts like this from industry can help fund opportunities so that the fabric of our communities is held together.’ “
 
 
And if you are interested in how far we’ve come from the “company towns” of an earlier era of industrial evolution in America, this may well be of interest:
 
“In the 1890s, in remote locations such as railroad construction sites, lumber camps, turpentine camps, or coal mines, jobs often existed far from established towns. As a pragmatic solution, the employer sometimes developed a company town, where an individual company owned all the buildings and businesses.

In some situations, company towns developed out of a paternalistic effort to create a utopian worker’s village. Churches, schools, libraries, and other amenities were constructed in order to encourage healthy communities and productive workers. Saloons or other places or services believed to be negative influences were prohibited.

In other cases, the company’s motivations were less ideal. The remoteness and lack of transportation prevented workers from leaving for other jobs or to buy from other, independent merchants. In some cases, companies paid employees with a scrip that was only good at company stores. Without external competition, housing costs and groceries in company towns could become exorbitant, and the workers built up large debts that they were required to pay off before leaving. Company towns often housed laborers in fenced-in or guarded areas, with the excuse that they were “protecting” laborers from unscrupulous traveling salesmen. In the South, free laborers and convict laborers were often housed in the same spaces, and suffered equally terrible mistreatment.”

 
 
As they say,
 
Read More  (a lot more) –
 

  “Company towns: 1880s – 1935”

 
Societies evolve. Business can – and must – adapt.
 
 
All the well-intentioned corporate responsibility bromides aside (think, “doing well by doing good”, etc.) it often just comes down to this:
 
“What’s the right thing to do?”
 
 It gets personal, individual, tapping into:
 
Conscience. Ethics. Empathy. Character. Culture. Family values. Soul.
 
Any one of these can be a tie-beaker when the choices are tough. When “shareowner and stakeholder primacies” collide. When a business leader must take a possibly controversial stand on a social issue.
 
Now comes some help: The new  Financial Times “Moral Money” weekly newsletter, reporting and analyzing “the fast-expanding world of socially responsible, sustainable finance, impact investing, environmental, social and governance ESG …” (Yes, The Financial Times).
 
In this week’s edition, “Moral Money” covers these stories:
 
“Climate firebrand puts heat on impact investors” (Greta Thunberg).
 
“Bonds start to offer more shades of green”
 
“Insulin maker Novo Nordisk walks moral tightrope”
 
 
This week, two quite different approaches to such soul- searching:
 
Dick’s Sporting Goods Destroyed $5 million worth of guns it pulled from its stores “
 
Edward W. Stack, Dick’s Sporting Goods CEO:
 
“So many people say to me, you know, ‘If we do what you want to do, it’s not going  to stop these mass shootings. And my response is: ‘You’re probably  right. It won’t. But if we do these things and it saves one life, don’t you think it’s worth it?”
 
 Adam Silver Commits to Free Speech as Chinese Companies Cut Ties with N. B. A.
 
Mr. Silver, in his role as commissioner of the well-endowed National Basketball Association, in the ongoing free-speech controversy between an executive of the N.B.A. Houston Rockets and China explaining his decision not to penalize the executive who expressed support for Hong Kong demonstrators:
 
“I’m sympathetic to our interests here and our partners that are upset. I don’t think it’s inconsistent on one hand to be sympathetic to them and at the same time stand by our [free speech] principles.
 
 Admittedly, very different circumstances. Nevertheless,these were not easy choices for Mr. Stack or Mr. Silver. Nor were any of the many other recent social-issue decisions made business leaders.
 
But ultimately, there is this:
 
Tevey in “A Fiddler’s Roof” –
 
“On the one hand …
 
“On the other hand….
 
“On the one hand …
 

On the other hand …  …. Well, there is no other hand.”
“It was the worst of times, it was the best of times.”
 
Charles Dickens would probably forgive this inversion if he, too, was examining U.S. manufacturing — and, by inference, the workplace well beyond — on this 2019 Manufacturing Day.
 
First, the well known bad news.
 
“US manufacturing is in trouble. That could spread to the rest of the economy”
 
CNN’s Matt Egan, yesterday:
 
” America’s manufacturing industry is in contraction. Business spending is soft. And now the biggest chunk of the economy, the US service sector, is growing at its weakest pace in three years…
 
“Although the service sector is still expanding, the [Institute for Supply Management] gloomy report raises concern that America’s manufacturing troubles are spilling over into the broader economy. Slammed by the trade war, US manufacturing activity dropped deeper into contraction in September, the most sluggish month for factories since June 2009.”
 
But “Manufacturing Day” may also be a time for optimism. That comes with acknowledging two kinds of work opportunities in contemporary manufacturing — “new collar” jobs on the horizon; and white collar jobs now available but unheralded. Here’s one savvy assessment from the Gray Construction blog:
 
“New Collar” Workers Are the Future of Manufacturing “
 
“American manufacturers already face significant skills shortages and are on the pace to have two million
 unfilled manufacturing jobs by 2025 [Emphasis added]. Many of these positions require higher-skills to operate and support advanced manufacturing equipment … Automation and robotics are also becoming embedded into manufacturing processes … Such large-scale digitalization requires workers with more advanced skills – typically one or two years of post-secondary education or training. These workers represent the “new collar” workforce…
 
“Several years ago Ginni Rometty, CEO of IBM, stated  … What matters most is that these employees have relevant skills, often obtained through vocational training.
 
“More recently she has called for government, industry and educational leaders to develop innovative ways to build the white collar workforce of the future.”
 
As if in response, yesterday Google pledged to train 250,00 people for such  jobs, joining the White House “Pledge to America’s Workers” initiative to expand such training opportunities.
 
 
And this optimism on current job openings in manufacturing that exist largely under the radar:
 
Yesterday, Stony Brook University (New York) hosted a conference to debunk “the false perception that all factory positions involve standing behind a machine for eight hours a day,” according to a report in Newsday  :
 
“While the manufacturing sector is best known for blue-collar production jobs, it also offers white-collar jobs in research and development, logistics, quality control, purchasing, sales and marketing … And manufacturing jobs come with higher salaries, on average, and better health insurance and retirement plans than other sectors of the economy.”
 
A panelist: “You can enter manufacturing at any point in your educational journey – directly after high school, associate degree, bachelor’s degree or doctorate – and there’s opportunity to work your way up.”
 
All in, neither the worst of times nor the best of times. Simply our times.
Even as political earthquakes begin to rumble this week, it seems relevant and worth asking: Is the capital-labor power dynamic beginning to reverse and lean a bit toward workers?
 
Strikes, protests and other workplace confrontations, for old and new reasons –  with both traditional  and new types of employees –  are proliferating. The  range of the new-age labor spectrum was illustrated this week by the General Motors strike and the Amazon employee-demanded decision to become carbon neutral by 2040.
 
First, the economic propellants:
 
“In the US, organized labour (sic), which had declined by both membership and activity over several decades, is back because large numbers of people are fed up with soaring inequality, retirement insecurity  … rising costs for healthcare … and a sense of economic vulnerability.”
That’s Financial Times columnist Rana Foroohar “Organized labor has returned”  .
 
Ms. Foroohar explains:
 
“It’s not just old, white or more comfortable workers who are striking. Younger, multicultural, underemployed millennials have been behind the recent gains in union membership … [that] they can’t afford to pay down student debt and buy a home at the same time, are among the many reasons that support for trade unions recently climbed to a 15-year high in the US. Given politics and demographics, this is a trend that will not subside any time soon.”
 
“Wealth creation and wealth distribution, after all, come in cycles. At some point, the pendulum must shift. … It is a shift that could make the US economy less volatile and more bust. That is something both workers and management should cheer.”
 
                                                                   Employee activism on social issues
 
The millenials are also an important factor in the parallel nascent employee activism movement on major social issues. They and other employees are increasingly making it clear to management what is, and what is not, a “responsible” way to conduct business.
 
(Just this week, not incidentally, Financial  Times launched its Moral Money newsletter to report on the “fast expanding world of socially responsible business, sustainable finance, impact investing, environmental, social and governance (ESG) …” .)
 
Especially in the new “knowledge economy”, companies are facing petitions, demonstrations, pseudo-strikes –  and, perhaps, most important – public embarrassment as employees raise questions on social- issue policies. The hot-button issues have ranged from climate change (think, Amazon carbon neutral/2040), gender and ethnic opportunity, and company relationships with the military, media and “security community.” And, of course, sexual harassment in the workplace.
 
Business for Social Responsibility has provided impressive guidance on this burgeoning employee activism “Exploring employee activism: Why this stakeholder group can no longer be ignored”
 
“Employees are speaking out on questions that relate to company values and investment decisions, and they [are] calling out hypocrisy when and where they see it … Today’s employees are empowered to dissolve traditional boundaries — both physical and knowledge-based — between companies and the societies  in which they operate.
 
“Management should respond with a robust, strategic approach to stakeholder engagement, placing their own employees squarely at the center of the effort.” 
 
Seems like a good business strategy.
 
 This week the U.S. Supreme Court  may have delivered refugee asylum a knockout blow when it affirmed a new Trump Administration initiative severely limiting entry of Central American migrants.
 
The initiative, reversing decades of U.S. policy, requires that the refugees, even when fleeing violence and poverty, must first be denied asylum in another country. It is being challenged in lower courts, but it became  effective immediately.  
 
“What we see is a global race to the bottom in meeting humanitarian obligations. And it’s led by the U.S. … we see an increasing trend of extreme pressure on refugees to return to unsafe and unstable regions … a tremendous risk to their safety and to global security and stability.”- Nazanin Ash, vice president for global policy and advocacy at the International Rescue Committee
 
The new U.S. policy is the latest Administration executive order issued under its “national emergency” designation of immigration at the southern border. It seeks to achieve what the delayed, and perhaps doomed, controversial proposed border wall — which, since Mexico won’t pay for it — is being partly financed by arbitrary transfer of Department of Defense and FEMA funds for projects previously approved by Congress. 
 
The American Civil Liberties Union, challenging this week’s U.S. limit to asylum: “The current ban would eliminate virtually all asylum at the southern border, even at ports of entry …The court should not permit such a tectonic change to U.S. asylum law.”
 
Sadly, the Trump U.S. border policies, fueled by nativist populism, add to the  world’s tragic and seemingly unsolvable refugee problems. The U.S. is by no means the only country withdrawing refugee asylum opportunities.
 
For example, in “Australia’s Shame”  Nobel Laureate author J.M. Coetzee condemns that country’s current refugee policies and laments the prospects for the world’s refugees:
 
“What is more of a mystery is why so many Australians wish refugees ill … Cross-border migration is a fact of life in today’s world and numbers will only increase as the earth heats up, former pastures turn to desert, and islands are swallowed by the sea. There are messy but humane — or at least human — ways of reacting to this world historical phenomenon, just as there are neat but inhuman ways.”
 
To be fair, the scale of the refugee phenomenon is astonishing. Global migration tripled between 1960 and 2017, rising from 77 million to 258 million, according to the Migration Institute. 
 
The institute has outlined five options for addressing the extremely troubling and complex challenge at the U.S.  Mexican border — options with potential for adaptation at other international borders under duress: rethinking asylum; strengthening immigration institutions; developing a regional approach to addressing smuggling networks; creating legal pathways; and investing in development and public safety in the very troubled countries generating refugees flows.
 
The institute especially supports the “investing in development” recommendation.
 
That, of course, raises a host of other questions concerning  global “interconnectedness” in the foreseeable future.
 
 
Consider:
 
“The most-important economic relationship for most adults is that between them and their employer.”
 
And …
 
 “That relationship is vital not just for what it allows them to do together — to produce the goods and services that sustain our standard of living—but also for how it distributes the gains from that production.” “The  Shift in Private Sector Union Participation: Explanation and Effects”
 
 
 
For many decades – even centuries – capital and labor have been the uneasy macro partners in the “mixed economies” formed and reformed by governments. Within those economies the capital/labor power pendulum has swung dramatically in both directions over economic history – but clearly toward capital since the 2008 global Great Recession. Especially with the weakening of “Organized Labor” — unions.
 
Many economists believe that the dramatic decline of union membership, largely the result of legislation and regulation by democratically-elected  conservative governments, has had a significant negative impact on the middle class  – i.e. the “working class.” And, with that, they say, have come the waves of protest of “economic inequality” and “social injustice.”
 
Economic Policy Institute: “Union decline lowers wages of nonunion workers: The overlooked reason why wages are stuck and inequality is growing
 
New York Times:  “Reviving the American Working Class” , “The decline of private-sector unions is an important reason for the stagnation of wages and rise of economic inequality.” 
 
Of course, it’s not quite that simple. Globalization, immigration, political movements and the inevitable economic cycles have also contributed to the decline of traditional organized labor. But whatever the causes, the voice of the worker today seems weak or muted on many vital economic, social and political issues.
 
That may be changing, perhaps enough to affect the 2020 U.S. national election. 
 
New models of organizing workers may better reflect the evolving workforce as we enter the “Twenty Twenties”. Defying a simple definition, these efforts may be thought of as “ad hoc”, “temporary” “focused”,  ‘hybrid” or “independent”. A special sub-category: “social-issue oriented organization” has taken on special resonance as employees take stands on their company policies having important socio-political implications.
 
These models reflect many employees’ current priorities but are not necessarily an easy fit in traditional unions.
The New York Times: “As Grass-Roots Labor Activism Rises, Will Unions Take Advantage?” :
 
“Workers in industries like education, hospitality and technology are growing more assertive, engaging in strikes and informal walkouts at levels unseen in decades and taking part in new organizing efforts. And that should give unions, hobbled by years of legal setbacks and contending with unfriendly policies in Washington, reason for optimism …The question is whether traditional unions can harness this energy and reverse their long-term membership decline…”
 
At the same time, the horizon for traditional organized labor may also be brightening somewhat, largely related to the attitudes of young workers. A 2018 national poll by the nonpartisan Pew Research Center concluded that nearly seven in ten people under 30 have a favorable opinion of unions – and more favorably than they regard business corporations.  “Young people view labor unions more favorably than business corporations” 
 
For example: A NEWSDAY Labor Day  feature article, “STEPPING UP” – “Young leaders helping to shape the future of organized labor on Long Island”. Their reasoning could well have resonance for young workers across the country. In addition to the attraction of a community, they are “joining unions because of the rise of the gig economy, which rarely offers benefits like employer-paid health insurance and retirement plans.”
 
Ruth Milkman, a local professor, adds, “college-educated workers are a bigger part of the labor movement than in the old days. The growth in union membership is among white-collar workers with a college education”. She notes that many of these young workers are prone to activism and stuck in low-paying jobs that make it difficult to pay off college loans.
 
A construction worker quoted in the article was blunt: “Without unions, there would be no middle class.” Perhaps he had become aware of the now taken-for-granted benefits attained by early generations of organized labor – such as the five-day 40-hour work week, safer working conditions, health insurance, pensions, paid vacations, training, and, of course, negotiated wages.
 
Still, the political power of traditional U.S. organized labor is now hardly decisive. Membership is at a dramatic nadir (about one-tenth of the U.S. workforce); and union leaders are less able to politically influence their members.  
 
The 2020 “worker-as-voter” will have to be reached via both new and old models of organizing labor.
 
In 2020, employer–employee issues will include many addressing the current realities of the workplace: the minimum wage, health insurance, the right to organize, “sectoral” (industry-wide) bargaining and benefits such as paid family medical leave.
 
 
 
Business leaders have recently issued bold statements on the “purpose” of corporations extending beyond profits, with the interests of all “stakeholders” (employees, communities and shareholders alike) to be addressed with equal commitment.
 
Employee relations issues and the “working class” might well be a good place for those business leaders  to start. 
 
 
“This could be the start of something big.” *
 
Did 181 Business Roundtable CEOs “turn the corner” yesterday, upping their commitments to corporate social responsibility when they apparently elevated their stakeholders  to equality with shareholders?
 
Among the companies’ new “Statement on the Purpose of a Corporation” vows:
 
. “protect the environment by embracing sustainable practices across our businesses”.

. “foster diversity and inclusion, dignity and respect”.
 
New York Times columnist Andrew Ross Serkin is not completely convinced: “How Shareholder Democracy Failed the People“:
 
“Some will doubt the sincerity of these business leaders words, and it remains an open question whether their companies will be held accountable — and by whom … Americans mistrust companies to such an extent that the very idea of capitalism is now being debated on the political stage.”
 
Many folks will be surprised to learn that the “Purpose” statement — significant,  if followed by meaningful policy and performance changes (see below) – is actually a “turn of the wheel” in the evolution of capitalism. Shareholder primacy — profits — were not always at the core of corporate priorities.
 
Ross Serkin: “For nearly 50 years [from 1932 onward] corporations, for the most part, were run for all stakeholders. It was a time defined by organized labor, corporate pension program, gold-watch retirements and charitable gifts from companies that invested in their communities and the kind of research that promised future growth.”
 
That began to change, Ross Serkin says, in the 1970s with the rise of what he calls “shareholder democracy” – actually, shareholder interests being dominant – and has prevailed since then.
 
The genius of the current corporate social responsibility (nee “sustainable development”, “purpose” etc.) movement is company recognition that it is now “good business” to marry traditional business objectives (think, primarily profit) with contemporary social-progress objectives. And many of these companies now recognize that this coalescence can often actually enhance profits as they pursue their legal, moral and ethical obligation to deliver return on investment. Moreover, younger “publics” — employees, customers and, yes, investors — have shown significant support for this integration.
 
Arguably, the watershed event for this business model occurred in 2001 with the establishment of the United Nations Global Compact in which companies pledge to operate in accord with ten basic principles relating to human rights. labor, environment and anti-corruption. Now, UNGC, with its 9800 company signatories (and 4,000 affiliated organizations — governments, non-government organizations, academic institutions and civic groups) in 170 countries, is championing the achievement of the U.N. Sustainable  Development Goals 2030. Re-doubling SDG operations would be consistent with the “Purpose” document.
 
Still, some question the Business Roundtable companies’ “Purpose” commitment. A number of big companies didn’t sign up. And the “Purpose” motivation has been questioned – although reputation management is a viable basis for such decisions. But the ultimate evaluation will take place in the months and years ahead as the companies evolve strategies and tactics to bring the commitments to life.
 
One of the of the major disconnects they must face is the perceived inconsistency that exists between  CSR and sustainable development commitments  —  substantial as they may be — and the vast business lobbying at the local, state and national levels.
 
Sorkin: “For whatever progress may have been made Monday, it is hardly clear the debate is over. In fact, the fight for corporate identity is just beginning.”  
 
 
___________________________________________
* Popular romantic song, 1950s (trust me)
 

Walmart has been thrust to the epicenter of the roiling U.S. gun violence debate.

In keeping with the old adage, “to whom much is given, much will be required” (Luke 12:48), the company is being challenged to champion a business-wide initiative to take a significant stand in this epic national debate.

The Gods of Capitalism have blessed the company as it has become one of the greatest retail behemoths in history. Along the way, not incidentally, Walmart has earned an enviable reputation in corporate social responsibility.

Now, with Congress unlikely to re-convene soon, it falls to the private sector to weigh a new dimension of the “Brands-Taking-Stands” aspect of the CSR evolution.

It’s not as if C.E.O. s and companies have been inactive on the guns control issue. Famously, Ed Stack, Dick’s Sporting Goods C.E.O. ,was an early mover last year when he decided to stop gun sales at the company stores. And Walmart itself has taken steps in that direction.

But this is different. This would be Walmart applying its economic leverage systemically with business partners, not only with gun manufactures but also with the banks, credit card companies and big tech companies with which it interacts.

That is the challenge presented by New York Times business columnist Andrew Ross Sorkin in,

“Dear Walmart C.E.O.: You have Power To Curb Gun violence. Do It.” :

“You, singularly, have a greater chance to use your role as the chief executive of the country’s largest retailer and largest seller of guns – with greater sway over the entire ecosystem that controls gun sales in the United States than any other individual in corporate America …

“Over the past decade, Walmart has spent tens of millions on lobbying efforts in Washington, much of it to push for lower corporate taxes, which have juiced your profits. You’ve also lobbied to combat the opioid epidemic and to support veterans.

It would be easy for you, and other chief executives, to argue that controlling the gun violence epidemic is Washington’s responsibility, not yours. But in an era of epic political dysfunction, corporate executives have a chance to fill that leadership vacuum.”

 Mr. Sorkin concluded  with this plaintive plea:

 “The 22 people who died in your store this past weekend deserve more than words of consolation to their families. They deserve a leader who is going to work to make sure it never happens again.”